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GREATER | 

United States] 

OF B 

NORTH AMERICA I 



ESSAY 

BY 



E. J. DAVIO 



SAN FRANCISCO: ^ 

M. V. Lacaze, Print., 729 Montgomery Street ^ 

1903- ^ 



V. 



GREATER 



United States 

OF 

NORTH AMERICA 



ESSAY 

BY 



E. J. DAVID 



SAN FRANCISCO: 

M. V. IwACAZE, Print., 729 Montgomery Street 

1903. 

CopynVht 1903 
by E.J. DAVID. 



c- 



THE LIBRARY OF 
CUNOKtSb, ' 

I 
Two Copies Receivec' t 

APR 28 1903 

CUSS 0- X>c. N. 
1 COPY B. t 



PREFACE 



This is a mere Essay. — multum in parvo. 

In this work, the Author, a plain citizen, simply 
■expo'ses in a business-like fasihion, his views on some 
of the opportunities of our country as a nation. 

S. F., January, 1903. 



CHAPTER I 



THE YANKEE:. 



U you go through ihc world, in foreign lindt: 
England, France. Italy, Gerniany. Spain, Austria, 
Russia, in old Europe; in Persia. India. Siaro, China, 
in thickset Asia; Algeria. Egypt. Senegal. Cape 
Colony, in dark Africa; m Australia; in South Amer- 
ica; froni the North to the South I'ole. ask to any 
native of these foreign countries what is a Yankee? 
Readily he wHI reply that he is the citizen of the 
I'nited States of America For him the name itself 
means more: it it synonimous with liberty, Imnesty, 
ability, liberality, individuality, audacity in conception, 
skill in me^-hanics and m invention. The magic success 
of the Spani"*}! v*ar made the name known in the small- 
est hamlet in foreign lands. 

A new name has been forged to *erve other in- 
tere»t> than ours, rather than to meet new i«lea. but 
in tny mind of business man I plainly understand that 
an Englishman is an Englishman, a Cicrman is a Ger- 
man, a Russian is a Russian, an American is an 
American, by birth or adoption, by interest and by 
sentiment, and will remain so; that only things and 
animaU belong to the whole world because they have 
no human soul and anyUxly can buy it. Passion and 
imagination, indispensable to poets and writers, have 



— 6 — 

very little to do in financial, commercial, industrial, 
political and scientific matters. 

I may be pardoned if on such a delicate theme as 
the general character of the American citizen and the 
general character of his social system I desire express 
my own opinion in a few words. Too many of the 
foreign writers who come over the ocean to study 
America once back in their respective countries gener- 
ally give out in their memoranda of the United States 
the impressions received from late debarqued immi- 
grants, far from to be half americanized. They think 
themselves so learned and so important that in a few 
months, in a few weeks, even in a few days they know 
the United States from bottom up, from East to West 
and from South to North. When it takes many years 
of hard work and study to master any science, yet, 
those contemptuous fellows think, in their infallibility, 
that a look at the stars is enough to know astronomy 
and her allied sciences; so it is with the United States 
al'though more difficult to penetrate deeply than any 
abstract science. It is quite a difficult thing to appre- 
ciate itself with impartiality, but travels and long years 
spent abroad may have tempered tliat partiality by 
being able to compare foreign countries to my own, 
not on mere superficialities but by deep and actual 
experience. 

The true American citizen is by nature brave, 
honest, amiabilie, hospitable, patriotic, energetic and 
intelligent ; he is practical and yet idealistic and en- 
thusiastic. Cultivation and refinement make him a 
gentleman equal, if not superior, to the gentry of the 



— T — 

best educated classes of Old Europe for manners and 
behavior. An educated American is "tihe best and most 
generous of friends. 

The American is not greedy for money ; if he were 
he would not give away his wealth with such a pro- 
digal hand, and would not throiw aside the European 
low schemes of money-making by the pursuit of dow- 
ries. It is the desire to make us'e of his vast energies; 
to show the abillity of the individual. He knows that 
money is concrete power; that it commands learning, 
skill, experience, wisdom, 'talent, influence, numbers; 
that it is the great endeavor, the grea't spring of 
power ; that financial success isi the measurement of 
ability and intelligence. 

The American ci'tizen is the representative of civil 
liberty and individualism. His unequaled energy, his 
indomitable perseverance and his personal indepen- 
dence made him ai pioneer. He deeply trust that his 
country is cailled to the highest •(les'tiny for the benefit 
of humankind. 

In 'the years of indisturbed peace the United 
States have undergone gigantic changes. They have 
grown rich ; they have changed from an aigricultural 
country into an industrial country. The standard of 
life has been raised with an undreamed of rapidity. 
The horizon has been widened ; the ever-expanding 
industry has pushed -trade over the oceans; a colonial 
system has been set up and all has had one effect in 
common : the confirmation of the democratic spirit in 
the noblest meaning in the world. 

The raising of the social level of the business man. 



— 8 — 

the mercha'iit atrd 'the industrial man is certainly one 
of the most prominent features. The power which the 
great representatives of industry and commerce and 
banking have to-<iay in the Union could not have been 
dreamed thirty years ago. The steady raising of the 
practical professions, that of the engineer and the 
scientist and the literator in comparison with the trade 
professions is to be noted. The number of men who 
unselfishly and with high ideals sierve the community 
in a thousand forms is increasing every day. The 
wave of American beaux-arts and belles-lettres is 
steadily swelling. 

The intellectual and esthetic interests of the masses 
bave grown with the higher standard of the whole 
population. The pubilic libraries, the reading of 
papers, the forma^tion of clubs and societies, discussions 
and lectures reajch the widest circles. Meanwhile 
■wealthy men, in a growing measure, devote whole and 
sometimes stupendous fortunes to public benefits. 
Other important features are the new enthusiasm for 
the sea, for naval affairs, for foreign lands beyond the 
ocean, at widening of horizon which necessarily rein- 
forces the spirit of independence a'nd individual activ- 
ity. Add the immense development of science, of 
industry, of commercial pursuits, of transportation, of 
means of communication, all democratic factors that 
pu't men on an equa'li footing and bring progress 
•within the reach of everyone. 

It is justly claimed that the European civilization 
is older than ouns.but it does not prove that her civiliz- 
ation is nowadays better than ours. Impeded in 



Europe by powerful destructive defects, of which the 
militarism is the principal, the higher civilization has 
already crossed the ocean ; it is us now who are leading 
in the higher civilization since it means freer and better 
men. The contributions of America to civilization are 
numerous, as: the diffusion of education, the widest 
religious 'tdlleration, the successful development of 
universal suffrage, the safety of property, the love for 
the Government, the efficient working and honesty of 
the Administration, the wide diffusion of property and 
well-being, the unparalleled priogressiveness of the de- 
mocratic nation ; and, the most eminetit contribution 
which the United States has made to civilization is 
the advance made, in America, toward the abandon- 
ment of war as a means of settling disputes between 
nations, the substitution of discussion and arbitration. 

No other country can show a similar achievement 
which deserves the respect and admiration of the 
world ; for a young country she has, since her 
birth, behaved as no country in the world has behaved 
as far back as history can go, and the past warrants 
a brilliant future. To hold the helm of the ship of 
government, God gave us men with great hearts, 
strong minds, true faith, high character and utmost 
abilities. 

If we itake a survey of mankind in ancient and 
modern times, as regards the physical, mechanical and 
intellectual force of nations, we find nothing to com- 
pare with the United States. It is not s'trange that 
this amazing energy, applied to resources which are 
perhaps unequaled, has made us the richest nation in 



— lO — 

the world. Still to-day the creation of wealth g-oes at 
a much g-reater rate than ever before. 

Americans are an exceptionally inventive people. 
Yankee ingenuity and ski'll are proverbial. Scientific 
discoveries are apt to find their earliest practical appli- 
ca'tion in their country. We have the best tools, with 
the most scientific and ingenious machinery, with the 
most alert and intelligent workmen, it becomes pos- 
sible for us to pay higher wages and yet enjoy the 
advantage of the lower labor cost. Our trade, like 
our manufactures and politics have already assume^d 
vvorKd's proportions. 

Europeans have been accustomed to think of the 
United States as the world's great granary ; to be 
aroused to 'the fact that it has become also the world's 
great workshop administers a hard shock to our pow- 
erful competitors across the ocean. 

It is a remarkable fact that all the fundamental 
elements of superiority in industrial production are all 
in our favor. It is probable, therefore, that our manu- 
facturing supremacy is to be permanent. These con- 
ditions are: the coal and coal oil. which are concrete 
power of first magnitude in thi.s industrial age, are 
cheaper here than anywhere else and their siippily prac- 
tically inexhaustible; the iron, which is the comple- 
ment of coal, exists in deposits in almost all the States, 
in quality and quantity equal to any deposits in the 
world. Now we are raising more coal and produce 
more iron and steel than any other country in the 
world, more than England herself. The extensive use 
of machinery which lower labor cost ; the great skill of 



II 



our mechanics and alertness an'd intelligence of our 
workingmen, though getting high wages, more than 
compensate the -cheap amd unskilled labor of foreigners. 
Cheap raw arid great variety of materials and easy 
a'ccess to marke'ts. The effective and extensive organ- 
ization of business for economizing all productive and 
distributive forces. The modem system of large-scale 
manufacturing. Olur statesmen, our financiers, our 
industriails, our commercants and our inventors are 
keen and intelligent, audacious and energetic ; they par- 
ticipate to the giant size of the country. With our 
natural advantages fully realized what is to prevent 
the United States from becoming the mighty work- 
shop of the world and to remain so. 

Many other catises co-operate to produce the most 
forceful and tremendous energy of the world. After 
conquering the home market we invaded successfully 
the open markets of the world ; now we are competing 
with remarkable success) the own highly protected 
home markets of the great manufacturing people of 
Europe where the sharpest competition exists. The 
real struggle, we know well, is in old European mar- 
kets because there are the greatest and richest agglom- 
erations of people on earth, tbe best and ready cus- 
tomers with plenty of money. The South American 
markets come next in importance. The Asiatic and 
African markets are considered as reserve markets as 
they are almost completely undeveloped on the com- 
mercial and industrial lines. 

From high success in industrial and commercial 
fields to success in financial field there is only one 



— 12 — 

-Step. Ere long the United S^tates are to become the 
greates'ti money market of the world. Our financiers 
.and bankers rival for spirit of enterprise our manufac- 
turers and traders. 

Last year the excess of our exports over imports 
was far from over half billion dollars, and we are now 
rapidly extending in the markets of the world. This 
excess of exports is a matter of congratulation, because 
not only it furnishes the undeniiable evidence of indus- 
trial strength and prosperity of the country, but, too, 
ibecause it fumishes the means for keeping the 
country weli!> supplied with the gold needed as a part 
.and basis of our currency and a ready means of settl- 
ing our indebtednesfs abroad. 

We have labored hard to attain 'that aim ; it is 
natural and reasonable that our success be generously 
recognized by our competitors. We have been and we 
aire still a good customer for the European people. 

While our manufactures are growing, our markets 
-are to be greatly extended. To remediate the pre- 
cariousness of the foreign markets subject to be closed 
to our manufactures at any time by hostile -legislation 
and prohibitive tariff, we must strive to expand our 
spheres of interest and to instilil into our people the 
necessity to become a great sea power. It is wise *to 
■do things to keep the general business good and give 
employment to all our w^orkingmen with fair wages. 
Our ever-increasiing production will render an ever- 
increasing foreign market necessary- to our social 
heak'h. Expansion is a natural law ; it is impossible 



— 13 — 

for us to stand still, a nation must go forward or back-^ 
ward. 

Tht multiplicattion of machinery has wonderfully 
multiplied the 'number and improved the quality of the 
comforts. The bright star of progress brings its 
problems, which must find their solution in more pro- 
gress. The older nations have aroused themselves for 
the international race for 't'he markets of the world. 
This is a commercial age ; those who do not participate 
in its spirit are pushed aside to be subjugated and to 
die in wiamt and poverty. 

Abundamt reasons exist for believing that, in spite 
of many a hard fight to put up, we wi'll ultimately win 
the leadership of the world and the first place among 
the nations. There are more opportunities now than 
ever for us. To reach surely the goal let us never 
forget, of one of the most energetic and successful' 
Roman, the favorite saying: "Laboremus". 



CHAPTER II. 



GREATER UNITED STATES 
of North America. 



Right doing- must always be preceded by right 
thinking, for to think right is the main road to success 
in the life of a man as well as that of ,a nation. In this 
age of keen rivalry among powerful! nations for mas- 
tery of the world's markets, the doctrine of evolution 
and the ru'le of the survival of the fittest are as inex- 
orable in their operation as they are positive in the 
results they bring about. The place won by an indus- 
trial people can only be held by unrelaxed endeavor 
and constant advance in achievement. The present 
extraordinary extension in every line of American ex- 
portations and the unparalleled increase of our national 
weaK'h is to be attributed to the large material endow- 
ments of nature, to the constitutional vigor and intelli- 
gence of the people, with a natural talent for invention 
and construction, with political freedom and without 
social oaste control, with a good system of education 
and training of mind and of hand, with general oppor- 
tunity free to atU, with undaunted energy to promote 
their own rapid elevation over all the civilized world. 

The general tendency of modern times is to con- 



— 15 — 

solidate and 'to combine. It is an era of successful 
federation, combination and consolidation as never 
seen in past centuries. Political and civil bodies as 
well as industrial, commercial! and financial concerns 
are grouping into large confederations and big corpora- 
tions. The economic advantages are so great that the 
consolidation has become an established factor in the 
life of nations, and will, on all probabilities, extend 
farther in spite of all obstacles accumulated or throwm 
on its way. Expansion, whether for nations, associa- 
tions or individuals is a normal .state. 

New conditions bring new responsibilities, new 
possibilities and new necessities. The changes that 
have taken place in the last years are now seen to shape 
the future of the nation. Ethical, political, military, 
commercial and economic reasons will combine to 
compel the Tmited States to concern itself with the 
neighboring States. The forces of nature are all work- 
ing in the direction of unity and homogeneity; and 
though the ultimate object may be postponed, in the 
end nature will have her wa}'. The time is most favor- 
able ; our foreign relations are amicable; our unex- 
amp^led prosperity and happiness are a good entice- 
ment; OUT finances are well-ordered and satisfactory; 
the industry and commerce are flourishing in the in- 
terior and extending over the oceans; we can turn our 
eyes ou'tside for peaceful and secure development and 
tranquilly determine our policy upon the questions 
that interest us and inquire seriously whether we 
ought not to advance farther the policy of peaceful 
commericial and political expansion. It is the duty of 



i6 



the statesman to anticipate the future. We have to- 
sow before we can reap any benefit. 

One circumstance that strikes all who visit Mexi- 
co and the Gentral American Republics is the steady 
growth of social, commercial, industrial and financial 
relations between the people laying to the North and 
South of an imaginary boundary line. Men cross over 
to the adjoining Staftes in search of employment, fields 
of investment, and homes. There are in business thous- 
ands of mercantillle, industrial, agricultural citizens of 
the United Sta'tes with their roots in the soil, inter- 
marrying and giving im intermarriage all year round. 
What more natural that 'they should draw closer rela- 
tions. Our concern is not for territory or empire, but 
for the people whose interests and destiny are similar 
to ours. That the inhabitants of these Republics will 
be benefitted by the associatiom is my strong belief, 
and we will aid in every possible way to benefit these 
people. In all the Central American Republics most 
of 'the political men, business men, 'traders, real estate 
owners, lawyers and others strongly express their con- 
viction that closer association with the United States 
will enormously benefit their countries. 

Said President McKinley, in a message to Con- 
gress: "It is sometimes hard to determine what is best 
to do, and the best thing to do is oftentimes the hard- 
est. The prophet of evil would do nothing because he 
flinches at sacrifice and effort, and 'to do nothing is 
easiest and involves 'the least cost. On those who have 
things to do there rests a responsibility which is not 
<m those who have no obligations as doers. If the 



— 17 — 

doubters were in majority there would, it is true, be 
no labor, no sacrifice, no anxiety, and no burden raised 
or carried, no contribution from our ease and purse and 
comfort to the welfare of others, or even to the exten- 
sion of our resources. There would be ease, but, 
also, there would be nothing done." 

By association with our Southern neighbors: the 
Republics of Mexico, of Guatema'lia, of Honduras, of 
Salvador, of Nicaragua and of Costa Rica, under the 
name of "Greater United States of America," we may 
hope to be in position to possess, within ourselves, the 
largest market in the world coupled with the cheapest 
and most efficient Government on earth. 

Considering the narrow limi'ts fixed for this work, 
the probable terms and conditions necessary for such 
consolidation cannot be given herein. 

This is not an Utopian dream as the next centuries 
willi prove. Good-will, energy, ability and persever- 
ance will make it a reality. Althougli there is almost 
no consciousness of the new nationality, yet there is a 
latent aspiration in our neighboring people, to join, 
their commercial and political existence with us, that 
need only to be developed and called upon to receive 
popular answer: "Vox populi, vox Dei"; in every 
case 'the people will be consulted by referendum. It 
must come from a cordial assent. If the question once 
thoroughly developed is fairly put before the people of 
those Republics, who live by honest industry, by hon- 
est trade, by honest agriculture, by hones't means, 
they will take the same view and rejoice at it. It is 



all gain for them. The unbounded prosperity we en- 
joy will be shared by tliem. 

Funher, girded, but from the far North, by a 
mighty sea-wall we shall be exempt from the necessity 
of keeping great standimg armies, thus saving us for 
centuries to come from the vaimpire of militarism which 
curses aMl the great European Powers. A force suffi- 
cient for police duty is all that the Greater United 
States will require. 

The po'licy is not :a bold one, but within our reach 
as well as to the reach of our intended associated 
States; and whenever the citizen of Mexico and Cen- 
tral America will join us by commercial an'd political 
bonds we will welcome them. Then the mighty citi- 
zen of the Consolidated North America, greater than 
was the Roman citizen in 'the past centuries, wi'U out- 
rank any potentate on earth and commands, from any 
people, more respect than a King. 



THE INTEROCEANIC CANAL. 



A waterway across the isthmus between the con- 
tinon'ts of North anid South America connecting the 
Atlantic and Pacific oceans has been the dream of com- 
merce for three centuriies. The commercial and poli- 
tical importance of such waterway for the United 
States cannot be underrated. That isthmian canal will 
g-ive more advantages to United States than Suez did 
for England. It will create an immense amount of 



— 19 — 

new commerce and the United States will command 
the greater part of it. The large agricultural and 
manufacturing interests will find in it a most wonder- 
ful s'timulus. It will give lai strong impetus to the 
building up of our merchant marine and 'develop the 
sea power of the Union. In uniting our coast lines 
and in bringing the most remote portion of our terri- 
tory into much closer relations it will make the United 
States still more united and will enhance the advan- 
ta/ges we possess to build up the richest and most 
powerful nation in the world. 

Early England recognized the importance and 
attempted to control the interoceanic communication 
by way of Lake Nicaragua. One century ago Von 
Humboldt, whO' explored Central America, reported: 
"It is absolutely indispensable for the United States 
to effect a pas'sage from the Mexican Gulf to the 
Pacific ocean, and I am certain they will do it." Some 
years later the United States Congress decreed the 
cutting of an interoceanic canal through Nicairaguia, 
and a prealable examination of the route was ordered. 

The Bri'tish Governmemt claimed the control of 
the proposed waterway by Nicaragua, which claim 
was strenuously opposed by our Government. Com- 
pliqations intervened and led to the famous Clayton- 
Bulwer treaty. This treaty was coTicluded under the 
impression that Great Britain would abandon her ter- 
ritorial encroachments upon America, but experience 
demonstraited that Great Britain had given up practi- 
cality nothing in the dealimg, and that only the evoca- 
tion of might could induce her to respect any agree- 



— 20 — 

ment. This treaty raised a storm of disapprobation in 
the United States and was recently abrogated in its 
main, part so that he cainaJ should be, if constructed, 
under absolute American control. 

Many surveys and esitimates for the proposed 
waterway by Lake Nicaragua were made, either by 
private Companies or ordered by our Government. 
One Maritime Canal Company was even organized few 
years ago with a large capital, but the Congress, upon 
demand, refused to guarantee the bonds and securities 
of the Company and it fell. Since then practically 
nothi'ng was done though some United States Com- 
missions appointed for the purpose to examine most 
carefulh' the Nicaragua route have repeatedly reported 
favorably on the whole question. It is likely that the 
Nicaragua waterway is not to be built ere long, unless 
we cannot cfbtain control of the Panama canal, we'll 
known to the Readers. 

The patent defects of the Nicaragua in'teroceanic 
canal are that it can never be made sea level ; it is very 
long, therefore, take much time to pass across 'the 
isthmus ; the traffic is limited ; the locks, in case of war, 
may-easily be destroyed putting 'the canal out of order 
when sorely needed ; further, it is somewhat in the 
sphere of influence of earth c|uakes. However, the 
principal objection is the demonstrated feasibility of 
the Panama canal in the Darien isthmus belonging to 
Colombia. That waterway, over two-third shorter 
than the Nicaragua, is half finished, and can be made 
sea level. Its construction involves gigantic engineer- 
ing problems, but they are all known and minutiously 



— 21 — 

calculated. The completion of the Panama route 
would render competi'tion impossible for the Nicaragua 
canai, therefore, annihilate the usefuliness of this water- 
way and make its enormous cost a dead loss for the 
United States. 

Negociations between the Colombian Republic 
and our Government are sti'll in course for the control 
and completion of the Panama canal by us. 



PERILS AND REMEDIES. 



The certain'ty that an isthmian canal is to be 
opened up in a few years give a high commercial and 
strategic values to the Carribean coasts that is thor- 
oughly understood by our powerful competitors 
across the water, especially England. A characteristic 
attempt was made by her, under President Cleveland, 
to grab Venezuelian territory, but was frustrated by 
the energetic attitude of our Government in the en- 
forcement of the Monroe doctrine. 

Great Britain alone cannot move and hurt us 
much, but quite the contrary; without her support no 
European Power would dare to provoke us since the 
swift Itesson of the last war. However, recently under 
color to collect few debts, she skillfully brought Ger- 
many and Italy behind her to share in the expected 
Venezuelian spoils and at same timeputs a red-iron test 
to the Monroe doctrine. The ruthless destruction of 



— 22 — 

the small Venezuelian Navy and the bombardment of 
the Venezuela coasts' forts, without provocation, 
taught us some of the harsh w^ays of the Europeaii 
Powers in dealing with a weak nation. It is not by 
destroying the assets of an already poor people that 
they will facilitate the payment of his debts, quite the 
contrary. 

Whatever may be the outcome of the Venezuelian 
affair not yet closed, though the maitters have been 
referred to the good office of the International Arbitra- 
tion of 'the Hague Tribuna'l on the strong recom- 
mendation of our Government, we shall have to be 
constantly on watch and stand ready to prevent any 
infringement upon 'the Monroe doctrine, which is a; 
doctrine of peace and a doctrine of self-defense. The 
Monroe doctrine is not aggressive toward any power; 
his principle is that America must not be trea'ted as ai 
subject for political colonization by any European 
Power. 

Said, President McKinley : "Grave problems come 
in the life of a nation. The genera'tion upon which 
they are forced cannot avoid the responsibility of 
striving for their solution. It is sometimes hard 'to 
determine what to do to solve them, but we can make 
an honest and energe'tic effort to that end, and if made 
in conscience, justice and honor, it will not be in vain." 

Let us be heedful never to attribute to the Bri'tish 
a conciliatory thought they have not and that they can- 
not have. By the force of the British tradition itself 
they will be led to oppose us and brew trouble for us 
everywhere. England never gives up to the simple 



— 23 — 

evotcation of treaties but only that of might. We are 
already powerful enough to make our just observa'tions 
and reclamations heard' by European Powers. A new 
war, if inevitable, will not weaken, noT injure us much, 
but to the contrary, it will strengthen our prominent 
position among the nations and make us more ambi- 
tious and enterprising. 

Since the Revolution war, England showed us char- 
acteristic hostility. A second war undertaken to subdue 
us again failed miserably. In the Civil war, President 
Lincoln's masterful abilities and Secretary Seward's 
shrewdness barely kept her out of an open declaration 
of war. After ChanceHorville, Gladstone himself 
talked with intense satisfaction of the probable break- 
up of the Union. The published correspondence of 'that 
period shows plainly that England had skillfully united 
almost the whole O'f Europe agaiinst us ; so it was in 
the Spanish war, but failed, as la'ter demonstrated by 
some curious and instructive published revelations, in 
which the late British Embassador, the Hon. Paunce- 
fote, himself, was mixed. The splendid and decisive 
victory of Dewey a-t Manila opened, but for a few days, 
the eyes of the British on the dangerous path they are 
trodding against us. It is England's highest advan- 
tage to remain on thorough friendly terms w^ith us. 

We cannot, under any pretense whatever, allow the 
bui'lding of any Gibraltar by the European Powers in 
the Carribcan sea. The seizure and occupation of 
American soil for military purpose, in violation of the 
Monroe doctrine, will be opposed by force, because 
such occupation would entail on us loss of prestige, 



— 24 — 

weaken our position' in the world, and lower us down 
in the rank of nations. We do not lose view that the 
machiavellic principles have s'till great many disciples 
among the statesmen of across the ocean, as strongly 
demonstrated by the history of the last half cen^lury. 
The world knows that the last Boer war is only the 
comp'lcmen': of the Jameson raid. 

Whenever any hard case for us is to come up, by 
Canada and the West Indies, we hold England by the 
leg; they are our guaranty of her fair dealings with us 
and of our security. Any strong hostile move against 
us followed by war, maybe a protracted war, means 
the break up of her Empire, and on all probabi'lities her 
irremediable downfall. Necessity knows no laws. 
New conditions have to be met with new means. To 
balance the weight of her recruited help we have only 
to S'tretch out the hand to have powerful allies at any 
time glad to help us to curb the haughtiness of Eng- 
land and stanch her insatiable thirst of grabbing every- 
thing everywhere under any pretense. I know that 
such a compact, in case of necessity, looks' an easy mat- 
ter and w'ould be drawn quickly 

Go from East to West, from South to North, 
travel in any part of the United States, there you will 
see what kind of men are the American citizens, sons 
of pioneers and pioneers themselves. Their general 
standard is unquestionably superior to the general 
standard of Europeans. Most peaceful in the pursui'rs 
of their ideals, once bent on strife nothing but the ulti- 
mate vic'lory will stop them. Any trouble shall be 
faced squarely. Forbearance is not cowardice. We 



— 25 — 

incontestably prefer peaceful pursuits to war, but 
when perils stare us in the face we shall not flinch; 
then, we shall say again '.he words that on.e of the 
bravest of the American sailors — Farragut — uttered in 
face of seemingly insurmountable obstacles : "Damn 
the torpedoes, go ahead" ; and so he did. 

It is England's hiighest interest and that of her 
followers to leave "America for Americans," and the 
blissful peace and good understanding will last forever. 
Si vis pacem, para bellum. 

As long as the world is divided into nations and 
races and the differences between na'tions and races do 
•not disappear, everlasting peace between these nations 
and races is impossible. Competition m^eans- struggle 
for existence, which has been and is yet necessary to 
the evolution of the higher forms of life. Therefore 
we shaH have wars for many centuries to come, and we 
must be ready to defend ourselves with all means in 
our power. The mighty battles for the supremacy of 
the world's markets are not all fought in time of peace. 
The commercial and political prominence among na- 
tions cannot and never will belong to the weak or ne- 
glectful na'tions. 

The world's tendency is at present from the sea. 
The supremacy of the world's markets is the inevitable 
corollary of the supremacy of 'the ocean or "sea power" 
according to the strong expression of captain Mahan, 
the most distinguished contemporary writer in the 
world on maritime affairs and history. The importance 
of sea power is now fully recognized. I quote from 
"Expansion," by J. Strong: "Whosoever commands 



— 26 — 

the sea commands the trade ; and whosoever commands 
the trade commands the riches of the world, and conse- 
quently the world itself." Necessity for naval effec- 
tiveness is increased ; naval effectiveness needs skilled 
seamanship backed by a maritim, national spirit and a 
powerful, well-manned merchant marine, supported by 
a first-class efficient navy. 

The spirit of the Monarchy is war and agrandize- 
ment ; the spiri't of the Republic is peace and modera- 
tion ; yet. said the ancient Masters of the world: "Si 
vis pacem, para bellum." 



RIOTS, REVOLTS, REVOLUTIONS. 



In a giant industrial country like ours, with in- 
numerable shops, mills and factories', with millions of 
wage-earners, periods of depression are likely to occur 
from time to time. Economic laws are as compulsory 
as natural laws. 

With the unprecedented inflow of foreigners, the 
extensive use of labor-saving machinery and progress 
of inventions, our markets must continue to expand or 
men wull be thrown out of employment as never be- 
fore. It is by no means reassuring 'to reflect that so 
large and almost vmrestricted immigration of hetero- 
genous populations is pouring in the United States. 
The proportion of foreigners becomes grea'ter and 
greater so as to impede the rapid americanization of it. 



— 27 — 

It is a serious menace to our civilization. It goes 
wi'thout 'Saying that the dangerous classes are mosely 
recruited in it and these classes are swelling more ra- 
pidly than hitherto. Our unparalleled prosperity of 
these last years and the cheapness and facili'ties of 
travel have attracted immigrants as never before. The 
wonder is how such a formidable army of invasion is 
swallowed up without social convulsion of any sort. 

The spring of 1894 witnessed a spectacle that we 
have abundant reasons to see repeated again, with in- 
creased violence and greatly increased destruction in 
the future, if we pay no attention to the 'lessons of the 
past. It was the military-like organization of large 
bodies of idle men at various points in the country for 
a march to Washington to make a demand, on the 
Federal Government, for work. About three millions 
of men were without work. The march was then con- 
sidered a good joke, exactil'y as were the Anarchists 
before the shooting of President McKinley. But as 
the regimental bodies, gathered at given points, took 
up the march on the Nation's capital, getting their liv- 
ing at the expense of the Sta'tes they were traversing, 
the movem'ent was regarded more seriously. The 
great industrial army, as it was then called, made large 
recruits on his march to Washing^ton and at last 
massed his forces into a gigantic demonstration in the 
streets of the capital where they delivered firebrand 
speeches and threats of bloody revolution. They were 
boarded gratis and extorted from the Federal Authori- 
ties the promise that everything possible would be done 
for them, and then they marched away. 



— 28 — 

An extra session of the Congress was called, not to 
give them work, but to lower again the tariff already 
so low that the manufacturing industries in the Union 
cou'ld not compete successfully in their home market 
against foreign products. This gave raise to some 
more demonstrations and a profound depression pre- 
vailed all over the country when McKinley was elected. 
How by good and clear-sighted legislation he set in 
motion a prodigious wave of prosperity and made the 
United States the foremost commercial and manu- 
facturing nation of the world and the richest of them 
all, is yet presen't to the mind of A\\ American citizens. 

The Chicago Haymarket's carnage and the riots 
that occurred in some States at the same epoch should 
open our eyes on the ills tha't follow a long period of 
industrial and commercial paralysis. 

Unrestricted competition always leads to overpro- 
duction. It has now become possible by means of 
laborsaving machinery and inventions to produce more 
of the necessaries and of the comforts of life than we 
can consume. Increasing production is by no means 
an unmixed good. When markets become thoroughly 
glutted prices and wages fall, and thousands upon 
thousands of workmen are thrown out of employment. 
Thus a superabundance may cause under-consump- 
tion, because men cannot buy unless 'they have some- 
thing to buy with ; and wage-earners out of employ- 
ment face starvation in the midst of plenty. A man is 
not poor because he possesses no property, but be- 
cause he is not working, because he has no work to do. 
The economic results) of a commercial and industrial 



— 29 — 

paralysis would undoubtedly be attended by social an'd 
policital disturbances of the gravest character. There 
is a s'tiro-ng disposition among mien, especially among 
wage-earners to charge most of the ills of their lot to 
bad government and to seek political remedy for these 
ills. Men who are long idle, whether tha't. idleness is 
voluntary or enforced, usually degenerate morally ; and 
if want is added to idleness disastrous results are sure 
to follow; the army of unemployed and discon'tented 
can become a revolutionary army. Hunger obeys no 
laws. Enforced idleness and hunger always bred 
Huns and Vandales, even in a land of plenty. If at 
this point some ambitious, venturesome and energetic 
leader comes and says to the famished workmen: "You 
are hungry, here is food ; you are . poor, 't'here are 
riches ; you are the number, consequently you are the 
law, take what you need"; then will follow sicenes of 
plunder, of murder and incendiarism. If that leader 
possess a broad intelligence and succeed in marshaling 
military-like those hungry and malcontent' workmen, 
revolution or civil war. which cause incalculable des- 
truction and disaster, may result from the long closing 
of the shops, mills and factories. The possibilities of 
such dis^txiirbances are plainly demonstrated by the his- 
tory of all the nations on earth. 

We have to look to future troubles, against which 
we must provide with the utmost prudence ; for it is by 
foreseeing difficulties from afar that they are easily 
provided against. We must strive to avert 'bhem in 
time and never permit their growth merely for the 
sake of avoiding expenses and troubles. Defer the 



— 30 — 

solution of a social problem when such solution is 
needed is not an advantage, for time drives all things 
before it and m.ay lead more to evil than good. To re- 
cognize promptly evils as they arise and apply the 
proper remedy is one of the rarest gifts of 'the highest 
statesmanship. 

In depicting the United States, all the foreign 
economists predict dark fate for the American Repub- 
li'c and generally our own economists emphasize the 
dangers spoken of by the foreign writers. The rav- 
ings of their pessimism and misanthropism cannot 
stand and resist against the scien't'ific methods of appli- 
cation of the laws underlying the complex evolution of 
a giant nation, like ours, toward a brilliant fubure. 
Whatever may be said of the good or evil disposition 
of some people, or of some religious or politi'cal party 
is of little consequence if the Government^ is well pre- 
pared to assert and maintain his authority, should they 
be well disposed, and to defend itself if their disposi- 
tion be otherwise. To know people merely by books 
and newspapers is very deceiving, especially concern- 
ing the American people. We possess the most intel- 
ligent, energetic and law-abiding citizens of the world ; 
we have statesmen of greab abilities, of powerful 
minds and high character. Each opportunity has been 
seized at the very nick of the time. Our Government 
stands for the bes't' common interests of the people. 
In the distribution of wealth, all men are entitled to an 
equitable share according to his ability, industry and 
economy. The actual methods which sanction and en- 
force the distribution of wealth are the best we know 



— 31 — 

for the general welfare. The wisdom of the methods 
of government is demonstrated by the general tran- 
quillity and prosperity of the country. 

No nation on earth is so generous and so liberal 
toward her servantis and workers in general than the 
American people ; that is conclusively proved by in- 
numerable benevolent institutions. The pension sys- 
tem for disabled workmen and old age is a feature 
called to become very extensive with the large organ- 
izations, whether public or private. 

A good step, designed to be extended, has been 
made when the municipalities' or charitable private 
organizations in the 'large cities in industrial centers 
have organized temporary relief works or public kit- 
chens, to tide over 'the destitute wage-earners out of 
work during hard times, whether in the winter season 
or following industrial depression. The Romans, the 
wisest people on earth, past and present, witih their 
free distributions of grain acknowledged the necessity 
of such rehef so as to lessen the sufferings among the 
people and prevent his revolt. The wealthy nations 
need benevolent institutions because the fortune is 
subject to great many accidents ; but when 'the evil is 
momentary we then need aid of the same nature and 
that is applicable to tihe particular accident. 

The crop of political evil-doers, burglars, mur- 
derers, highwaymen always very large in countries 
deprived of benevolent institutions, particularly in the 
hard winter season and in tjimes of long industrial and 
commercial depression, lacks of its main stimulus with 
a good system of benevolent institutions. It is in hard 



— 32 — 

times that tlie apostles of murder, incendiarism and 
plunder make their numerous recruits. Drastit legis- 
lation never takes the place of common sense preven- 
tive precautions for the security of civil society. 

Everywhere in the world, there are men born, like 
Saturn, to destroy their fellow-creatures. When un- 
restricted liberty is granted them they are prone to 
use it to the utmost ;then we see the growth of political 
party, like the Anarchists, who are preaching, far and 
wide with marvelous maestria, t-hc murder of the 
earth's rulers as a sacred duty, and incendiiarism as a 
holy rite. This low form of Ciceronian intoxication 
is likeily to spread if not treated as the ot'her similar 
evils. This is a curious epoch where we see the 
apostles of murder and plunder go free ail over the 
country- teach in a plain way their nefarious doctrine, 
and the poor devils, who profess and attempt practical 
experience of the new religions or political creed are 
jailed, hanged or shot. 

The creation of a penail colony in some distant 
island where all the convicts of some ten years of hard 
labor, old offenders and hardened criminals could be 
sent would be beneficial to both society and her un- 
worthy members. It would reduce considerably the 
cost of keeping the convicts, therefore, realize a 
notable economy for the States, and give the culprits 
more chance to reform in bending their energy toward 
the development of the natural resources of the island. 
Such penal colony would be an immense improvement 
and a strong step in the direction of higher morality 
and civilization. 



— 33 — 
SECTARIANISM. 



All the 'civil organizations have very frequently 
been ni confilict with powerful Teligious organizations. 
Terrible and disastrous wars bave resulted from it. 
At all itfimes, history teaches us these religious organ- 
izations, chiefly when they were monopolizing a 
country, have been the most powerful support that 
could prop a tyranny. 

The aim of every religious siyst ems, whatever name 
itihey have or take, is invariably the same, — namely, 
■domination. 

The Mormon sect offers a striking example how 
powerfuJ can become a small body of men thoroughly 
oTganized and with wealth and strong centralization. 
The designs of the Mormons are exactly the same as 
•those of any pre'cedent or existing religious sect with 
ambitious men at their head. Some years ago, the 
Mormon bishop Lunt gave a conclusive testimony on 
the aim of their association; he sard: "Zion is des- 
tined to spread •through all the world. Our church 
has been organized ou'Iy for fifty years, and yet behold 
his wealth and power. We look forward with perfect 
confidence to the day when we wiill hold the reins oi 
the United States Government. That is our present 
temporal aim ; after that we expect to control the con- 
tinent." That! haughty boast brought forth their 
undoing. 

Similar braggardness carried Tuin to the famous 
and powerful organization of the Jesuits who boasted 



— 34 — 

that: "One day will come when we shall be the 
masters of our masters." They were subsequen'tly ex- 
pelled from all the Roman Catholic countries : Austria, 
Brazil, France, Italy, Mexico, Spain and other Staines. 

The superiority of the civil societies and the char- 
acteristic of all religious organizations proceed from 
their strong centralization, from their admirably or- 
ganized hierarchy and perfect training of their offi- 
cials. However, high centralization is their main 
spring; it has permitt-ed many of them to outlast the 
best organized civil societies. Hi'gh centralization 
alone enabled the Romanism to fight and resist •success- 
fully for centuries his numerous and powerful foes. 
As the Romanism tot)k iis hierarchic system from the 
old decayed religious sects it replaced, so the innumer- 
able new religious schemes that spring up almost 
every month model, wilih very few exceptions, their 
hierarchic systems on the Romanism's. 

Religious organizations are essentially close cor- 
porations held together by a carefully adjusted com- 
munity of selfish interests. Places witih good ])ay and 
with unusual: privileges andi no work are powerful fac- 
tors in sustaining religious organizations. They grow 
strong with the aid of the greed of the rich and initielli- 
gent citizens, skillfully combined with the ignorance 
and avarice of the "jxtor. 

The weakness of all the religious systems, like itis 
strength lies in the unchangeable characteri'stics of 
human nature. Its chief link of cohesion is human 
selfishness and no other tie is so easily broken. It is 
never disinterested, it is faithful to no sect. Its reli- 



— 35 — 

gious loyalty is a pretense; its devotion to principles 
a sham. They are parasite girowthst, on imperfect so- 
cial and political conditions, that have already lost 
greatly of their social importance and will finally dis- 
appear in the light of universal intelligence. 

The aim of alil religious sects is to spread igno- 
rance and prejudice, :tio inculcate the spirit of submiss- 
ion and slavery to enable them to dominate arbitrarily. 
The moire powerful they become the more hostility 
they show to the crvil and republican institutions. 
Had we left the Mormons, few years more, to develop 
and organize their forces we should have had a second 
civil war. 

As no sectarian organization can raise, equip and 
-drill, as of yore, any more armies, their wealth and the 
ignorance of itihe people constitue all their strength. 
It will readily be seen that anything which strikes 
their wealth diminish their power and sometimes 
vanish it totally in spitie of the actual number of 
adherents. Although, the law voted by Congress 
against the Mormon sect, cut off only about; a million 
dollars it brought down their power and influence 
never to raise again to antagonize seriously our 
Government. It was a good move, the best next to 
expulsion to reduce a recailcitrant sect. 

The best remedy against fanatism and all reli- 
gious evils is the non-sectarian free ipublic school, of 
which the objecti is to give the youth up to date know- 
ledge in siciences and letters, principles for right reas- 
oning, spirit of independence with intelligence obe- 
dience to the laws and rightful authority. 



-36- 
TRUSTS. 



The tremendous industrial development which 
has taken place during the last thirty years in all 
civilized counitiries has given a formidable impetus to 
the organization of combinations of all kinds formed 
for the purpose of controlling the output of natural 
and industrial products ; for regulading prices or for 
adjusting wages. Trusts, monopolies, syndicates, 
unions, or by whatever other names these combina- 
tions may be known, are not peculiar to eit'her the 
present age or to our country. Trusts are born with 
the societies. In the study of ancient legislation we 
we find laws dealing with many kinds of combina- 
tions. In the eighteenth century, the history records 
the monsitTuous fact that kings themselves were at the 
head of food monopolies, starving their people to keep 
their numerous mistresses in opulence. 

In the United States, commercial and industrial 
combinations are of compara;l'ively recent origin, but 
the rapidity with which they have, of late years, been 
formed, indicates the popularity of a system that 
exists more or less developed among all I'he nations. 
Their stupendous growth in the United States has 
called forth on them the attention of the people of this 
country and from a!broad. The main cause of the com- 
mercial and industrial combinations is to be found, in 
this country as in others, in business condit-ions rather 
than in the tariff, as some of the largest and most 
monopolistic combinations have no direct tariff pro- 
tections Ruinous excessive competition is the chief 



— Z7 — 

cause of the formation of agricultural and manufac- 
lured products combinations. 

It is not the purpose of the Author to deal lengthi- 
ly on the combination question in the narrow limits 
set for this work. To obtain a comprehensive and 
thorough knowledge of the trusts, monopolies or other 
combinations in the United States and prominent na- 
tions of the world, and guard himself against the 
superficial and dangerous demagogic denunciations of 
wealth resulting from the present agitation against 
the trusts, the Reader is referred to the works pub- 
lished by the Industrial Commission created by the act 
of the Congress of the eighteenth of June, 1898. These 
works, on the much disputed and controversed ques- 
tions involved in the subject of combinations in res- 
traint of trade and competition, comprehend not less 
than nineteen volumes, and were closed the tenth of 
February, 1902. They are the most complete and im- 
partial works ever published, in the whole world, on 
all kinds of combinations. No citizen is entitled to 
speak sanely and intelligently about trusts and com- 
binatioiis of all kin(,is without having prealably read 
them carefully. The published works are found in 
aJmost all the public libraries. 

No countries in the world possess more stringent 
laws against the trusts and combinations than Eng- 
land and France, and yet there they thrive. The latter 
■countrv has devised the most draconian penal legisla- 
tion ever drafted against combinations, but the law 
is applied very leniently, if not at all, especially out- 
side of the foodstuiffs. Everywhere it has been 



- 38- 

recognized that the combinations are necessities of 
the time. There are 'laws inapplicable; where the law 
does not answer to the reality of social rapports, law 
does not make the custom, but the custom does make 
law. Of course the combinations crushing out all 
healthy competition, especially those dealing in prima- 
ry necessities of life such as foodstuffs, must be treated 
accordingly. Wise regulations and restrictions as set 
forth in the published works of the Industrial Com- 
mission above mentioned, which provide for the strict 
supervision over corporations of all classes and a rigid 
system of public accounting will prevent mucn of the 
evils and abuses arising from their operations. 

Broadly speaking, the large capitalistic combina- 
tions of this country greatly lessen the danger of panic 
and distress created by commercial and industrial 
crisis resulting from overproduction, and give a great- 
er regularity of employment to workingmen with fair 
wage. They are the great agency of warfare against 
the competing capital of foreign countries; they are 
the most essential instruments by which to gain and 
keep possession of foreign markets, and in maintain- 
ing our manufacturing supremacy over our powerful 
competitors of across the ocean. 



CHAPTER III. 
McKINLEY AND ANARCHISTS. 



The shooting of President M'cKinley, and his 
subsequent death about one year and a half ago, by the 
an'archist Czolgosz gave a hard shock to the United 
States and the whole civilized world. The general feel- 
ing ran high against the nian who committed the das- 
tard'ly murder and against that supposed new political 
sect — the Anarchists — who startle the world by the 
systematic murdering of the earth's rulers. Every 
country of the world sent in- testi'mony of heartfelt 
sympathy on that hour of deepest sorrow and trial. 

President McKinley was one of the best represen- 
tative of the American civilization and of American 
progress. He was a very remarkable man, one of 
those men who are the honor of humankind. Elected 
after a long period of depression and stagnation, he 
restored the tottering credit and' the wavering con- 
fidence, and by wise measures smarted the country on 
a new development of activity, which, widening and 
extending as it advanced, brought in the most splen- 
did era of industrial growth and commercial expansion 
the world ever seen. 

He made possible for the country to reach the 
first rank among the nations in industry, in. commerce 
and in wealth. How well, coolly anid iTfmly, he guided 



— 40 — 

the country through portentous labor trouble and 
foreign coniplicat'ionis ; through the Spanish war and 
Chinese disturbances ; from financial weakness to the 
forefront of the sound money gold-standard countries; 
how at Buffalo's Ex'position, as if it were to be his 
apotheosis, he traced with an incomparable clearness 
of vision and breadth of statesmanship a program 
which was to make the United States the foremost 
nation on earth. 

Over the land and across the continent he went, 
and his engaging personaility and rare powers of ora- 
tory won their persuasive way. He had every element 
of winsomeness, of personal fascination, a subfle and 
indescribable and irresistible charm of sincerity and 
suavity that sway and captivate the multitudes. 

Some of his speeches are models of inspiration 
and clearness and simpliicity. Depicting our national 
unity, he said aanong other things: "We have no 
North, no South, no East, no West, but all are 
Americans." 

And on principle of good governmenl': "The Pre- 
sident and Congress are 'but the representatives of the 
public will, and so long as the people are united, so 
long as their homes are virtuous, so long as the public 
schools of our colintry continue to educate the children 
in the paths of patriotism and loyalty and intelligence 
and morality, so long will this great Government rest 
securely and advance 't'riumphantly to its highest 
destiny." 

To wage-earners, he said : "The happiest people 
in the world are those who are best employed. Work 



— 41 — 

means wages ; wages 'means contentment and bring to 
the home opportunities of education." 

Speaking to the Delegates of Unions, he declared: 
"All my public life has been devoted in effort to give 
the workingmen the best opportunity for good wages 
and steady employment. When labor is well em- 
ployed there is contentment and happiness in the 
houses of the laboring men." 

In a reunion of young men, part of President Mc- 
Kinley's advice was: "Young gentlemen, there is no 
hi'gher duty for the citizen than to be devoted to his 
country and to it's civil institutions, and when these 
young men and the young men like you from every 
State and Territory in the Union will stand by the 
Republic its splendid imstit'utions shall be 'permanent." 

Eulogizing the arts of peace, he said in part: "We 
know no imperialism in the United States except the 
imperialism of a sovereign people. Our t'riumphs are 
those of a free and self-governing people looking to 
the development and upbuilding and extension of liber- 
ty to the human race." 

Such men are uncommon. No wonder that he 
had the most implicit confidence of his countrymen 
and received the gentle sympathy and the intelligent 
respect O'f millions of his feHow-'citizens without dis- 
tinction of class, party or crec'd, and was almost wor- 
shipped by them. Could such a man, the honor of 
humankind, be murdered? Nevertheless he was! 

The tragedy of Buffalo deprived the laboring 
classses of one of their best friends ; the country lost 
one man who stoo'd for the best interests of all the 



— 42 — 

people and for everything that was praiseworthy and 
progressive in our national life. His lofty character, 
his devotion to duty, his honesty of purpose and noble 
virtues remain with us as a priceless legacy and 
example. 



THE ASSASSINS OF RULERS. 



From its dawn to our time the history has record- 
ed attacks, more or less successful, of assassins on 
rulers of every nation on earth. Presidents elected by 
the will of the people no more than autocratic or con- 
stitutional royalties escaped the poniard or bullet of 
murderers. 

It is sad to add, but a deep knowledge of hu- 
manity, acquired otherwise than by newspapers and 
books, leads me to say that these murderous t'enden- 
cies are to last as long as the world itself; therefore, 
rulers of every rank and every kind, good or bad, naive 
or shrewd, shall do well, at all times and a't any time, 
to take the necessary preventive precautions against 
-murderers whether these cover themselves wit'h poli- 
tical or religious cloak or not ; or step do^vn into the 
humbler rank of the mediocrity where there is 'less 
danger. Is this general warning to be heard? May 
be. Said the Italian : "Passato il pericolo, gabbata 
il santo." 

The men who are told or think themselves to be 
new Brutuses of every kind and every size, or the new 
Saviors of t-he world, or are willing to buy cTieap fame 



— 43 — 

as the Greek who burned down the famous Ephesa's 
temple, are legions everywhere in the world, among 
the learned and underlearned classes of all the people 
on earth. These legions are likely to grow with the 
population, with the civiilizatiion and with the centu- 
ries ; taking new religious or political names and fancy- 
ing new evils as the centuries go by, but exactly and 
eternally with the same underlaying motives. No 
country however rich or small is free from them. The 
danger for organized society grows with the energy 
and intelligence of the occasionad chiefs who push 
them to the front on the field of battle. To get noto- 
riety or to redress real or imaginary wrong whether 
they paid it with their life does not matter with them; 
they know the risks they run, they, willingly, take it. 

No legislation, no police measures however drastic 
will ever be able to root them out or to control them 
entirely. They are like the hydra of Lerna of which 
'the heads cut off or decayed grow again and again. 
Any imprudence or any overconfidence of any ruler, 
forgetting or weakening his safety-line, will invariably 
be paid with and intended deadly blow from a gun, or 
a bomb, or a dagger, and often in the most unsuspect- 
ed way and at the most unsus'pect'ed time. 

Czolgosz killed President McKinley, not because 
he was William McKinley, citizen of the United 
States, but because he was President oi the United 
States; the act was directed against the official, espe- 
cially because of his high fame as a successful ruler 
and as a foremost statesman. Had he remained a sin- 
gle obscure citizen, he would not have been singled out. 



_ 44 — 

That President M'cKinley had been warned of 
such danger by his inti'mate friends is evident; but he 
could not believe such thing possible in the freest of 
the countries. He had supreme confidence in the 
people. He repeated again and again that: "The 
American people were too intelligent and too loyal to 
their country to do any harm to their chief executive." 
How he paid dearly for his confidence, all the world 
knowis. Furthermore it is within my personal know- 
ledge that, about three years before President McKin- 
ley received his death blow, a clear warning was given 
at that time, when nothing of the kind was even sus- 
pected by anyone of the shrewdest detective of the 
Union. 

I saw President McKinley at the Saint Louis' Ex- 
position., Missouri : I wondered at his confidence in the 
crowds. There the safety-line was trespassed. 

Later I saw him again in San Francisco. Here 
common sense precautions prevailed. He was going 
down Market street in a carriage, smiling pleasantly 
and bowing gently vo the immense crowds lined on 
both sides of th-e street, and come here from all the 
\\>st to get a glimpse of the wonderful man who. like 
a good fairy, brought unparalleled prosperity to the 
country. The Police of tha^t City, consequently the 
Civil Administration, as a careful investigation showed 
me afterwards, is second to none in the United States 
and one of the best in the whole world. In San 
Francisco any potentate can feel secure and safe. 

A typical fact among hundreds will illustrate well 
how careless and unsuspicioirs for their safety are the 



— 45 — 

mien brought in the forefront by the wili of their 
fellow-citiziens. Some nine years ago I was in Paris. 
One evening as I was> taking a drink, according to the 
custom there, wirh two friends of mine in one of the 
numerous "'caife" on the great Boulevards, a person, 
who'm I knew for one of th'e best inspectors of the 
detective foirce of the old Fremch capital, come in and, 
af;er usual greetings, sat down with us and ordered a 
drink of coffee. After telling somie news of the day 
and a chat on the current topics, he added: "I am 
very sorry that the President — President Carnot — has 
formally ordered us again to leave him alone and not to 
follow him anymore ; that peremptory order may be 
his death-warrant." Nobody, I believe, paid any at- 
tention to the remark, and each one went his way a 
momemf after. About two months later President 
Carnot was assassinated at the Lyon's Exposition. In 
heairing of his stabbing, those words, like lightning, 
fla'shed vivid through my mind. Subsequent details 
demonstratied beyond do'ubt his excessive contidence 
in the multitudes. 

President Carnot's lofty character and high beha- 
vior, on great many sides similar to President McKin- 
ley's, had won the love and esfeem of his countr}"men 
and consequently was much regretted. 



THE ANARCHISTS. 



That Anairchy is an imported principle inimicaiT 
to American institutions, there is no doubt. Patience 



-46- 

ii9 the characteristic of our people in seeking any 
reform. It is fixed in their habit to wait for the ballot 
and to submit loyally when their ideas are rejected at 
the poll. The Anarchisits proselytes are all recruited 
in the flood of foireign population invading the United 
States. 

The Anarchist who i^ a mere theorist cannot be 
separated before the act from his murderous brother 
who carriies into effect the 'theories inculcated to him 
as he understands them. They have no general stand- 
ard and no real organization. Their main platform 
is a simple one, somewhat that of the Beotians of the 
ancient Greece. Here it is: "Common property, 
socialistic prodiiction and distribution, free love, and 
perfect individualism ; everybody and everything free 
in a free State." The sweet "Do as you please," of the 
famous monastery in Rabelais." 

As a means to reach 't'hcir aim, the more violent 
proclaim the propaganda of the deed i^n every form, 
especially put out of the way all the rulers they can 
lay hands on, as the best way to reach quickly their 
goal. 

Said IMost, one of their leaders: "Religion, Au- 
thority and State are all carved out of the same piece 
of wood." 

Their credo is: "The Revolutionist is the irre- 
conciliable enemy of 'the world, and if he continues 
to live in it, it is only that he may thereby most cer- 
tainly destroy it. He knows only one science — 
namely, destruction. For this purpose he studies day 
and nisfht. For him evervthinsr is moral which favors 



— 47 — 

the triumph of 'the 'revolution, everything is immoTal 
and criminal which hinders it. Day and night he 
cherish only one thought : only one purpose — namely 
inexorable destruction. While he pursues this pur- 
pose, without rest and in coM blood, he must be ready 
to die, and equally ready to kill everyone with his own 
hands who hinders him in the attainment of this pur- 
pose." 

Said an Anarchist orator in a speech delivered in 
Cooper Union, New York City, some years ago: "I 
look forward with great deal of joy and satisfaction in 
the hope that ere long the scenes that were enacted in 
Paris will be ena'cted in New York, and the streets of 
New York will be covered with dead bodies, and the 
gutters will flow with blood and the houses will be a 
burning mass." 

These red-hot utterances doubtless have some 
causes 'relatively easy 'to find out. The permanent 
remedy is out of the reach of any man, however power- 
ful he is at our present time as well as in the centuries 
to come. Darwin has given out the plain reasons. 

To define closely and substantiate in a few words 
the anarchistic doctrine as well as that of any other 
'religious or political party, past, present, future, in 
(t'heir infant days, without any exception whatever, is 
the man poor and lean and hungry ^saying to his fat 
and rich brother, sat in front of a table with a good 
smelling dinner on, including champagne : "Get out 
there, you. . . . ! that I may have the p'lace. ' 

As you see, the best remedy to the glaring and 
■noisy evil is clear and near at hand, and yet. ... so far. 



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